Orbánék palotát vettek az Andrássyn a Fekete-féle MMA-nak

A Magyar Újságírók Országos Szövetségének (Múosz) egykori Andrássy úti székházát vásárolta meg az állam a Fekete György vezette Magyar Művészeti Akadémia (MMA) számára. Az épület megszerzésére több mint kétmilliárd forintot csoportosított át a kormány. A palotát korábban 1,74 milliárdért hirdették meg egy apróhirdetési oldalon.

A Fekete György-féle MMA kapja meg a korábban a Múosz székházának is otthont adó, Andrássy út 101. szám alatti volt Schwanzer-villát – derült ki az akadémia titkárságának közleményéből. E szerint az adásvételi szerződést már megkötötték, az épületegyüttes köztestületi tulajdonként pedig állami tulajdonná válik.

Egy hétfőn megjelent kormányhatározat szerint a kormány 2 milliárd 61,9 millió forintot csoportosított át az idei költségvetésből az MMA irodaépület-vásárlására. Az összesen 3876 négyzetméteres, tíz és fél szobás ingatlant egy apróhirdetési oldalon is megtaláltuk, ott 1,74 milliárd forintért hirdették meg. Az az MMA közleményében nem derült ki, most mennyit fizet érte az állam.

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2.000.000.000 HUF az MMAnak

Kétmilliárd forintot kap az államtól új irodaházra a Magyar Művészeti Akadémia. Ha a jövő évi költségvetésbe betervezett összeget is beleszámítjuk, 2011 óta több mint 20 milliárd jutott Fekete György akadémiájának.

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Fotó: Németh Dániel

Kétmilliárd forintot kapott a Magyar Művészeti Akadémia (MMA) a kormánytól irodaház vásárlására – olvasható a mai Magyar Közlönyben. Az MMA korábbi közgyűlésén már panaszkodtak, hogy a számukra felújított Vigadóba nem férnek be. Azt nem tudjuk, mi lesz a szomszédos Kristályházban birtokolt irodákkal. Ezzel persze nincs vége. A budai Hild-villát, ahol az égetően szükséges Művészetelméleti és Módszertani Kutatóintézet működik majd – már ha találnak oda igazgatót –, fel kell újítani, és a milliárdosra becsült munkálatokra is elkél az állami pénz, mivel az MMA jövő évi költségvetésében erre csak 176 millió forint van, az is jobbára személyi kiadás, beruházásra csupán 20 milliót terveztek.

tovább: Magyar Narancs

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TGM: Új helyzet Magyarországon

(…) A tiltakozó mozgalmak előtt – ha elhalásuk esélyét itt most nem taglaljuk, bár ez is lehetséges – több út áll nyitva. Vagy megmarad a tiszta középosztályi jelleg, és nem a rendszer, hanem a rendszersemleges korrupció marad a fő ellenség (ez sikeres is lehet természetesen), vagy kiterjed a bírálat a már valóban rettenetes méreteket öltő, elviselhetetlen társadalmi igazságtalanságra (egyenlőtlenségre); erről világos és félreérthetetlen alaprajzot nyújt Ferge Zsuzsa kiváló cikke. Ez utóbbi esetben a mozgalom baloldali populistává válik (ezt a jelzős szerkezetet a latin-amerikai „népi demokráciákra” szokás alkalmazni…), azaz a szó egalitárius (egyenlőségpárti) értelmében demokratikussá. (…)

tovább: HVG

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Scheppele on democracy, constitutionalism, and rule of law in Hungary

What we have is a system in which Hungary has the appearance of constitutionalism, democracy, and rule of law, but no reality of constitutionalism, democracy, and rule of law.  This is a constitution that can be changed at will by this two-thirds parliamentary majority that was engineered in an election that the OSCE said was not fair. … Every time a law becomes inconvenient, the government changes it overnight.  The point of law is to stabilize and regularize the expectation of governance.  If the government can change any law it finds inconvenient with its instant parliamentary majority without any debate in the parliament, this is no longer a rule of law system. … The EU and the US are switching into high gear.  I think they were waiting for the election and hoping Hungarians could take matters into their own hands and actually show that they can change their government.  But once that was over and the OSCE said the election was not fair, now I think the international committee realizes they are dealing with a government that is simply showing on the surface that it is constitutional, democratic, and a government committed to the rule of law.  In fact, it is no longer any of those things.   – Dr. Kim Lane Scheppele, Director, Program in Law and Public Affairs, Princeton

Princeton University professor Kim Lane Scheppele trained as a sociologist and in law. She started her career teaching at the University of Michigan in the department of political science.  The fall of the Berlin Wall inspired her to travel in Eastern Europe where she “discovered” Hungary.

“From the first day I got there I thought this is home,” says the expert in comparative constitutional law, despite having no personal connections to the country and knowing nothing about its language or culture.

Discovering the Hungarian Constitutional Court “was probably the most powerful court in the world” she moved to Budapest in 1994.   Falling in love with the country, she ended up spending four years in Hungary studying constitutional law and its Constitutional Court.

Returning to the United States in 1998 to teach international law at the University of Pennsylvania, Scheppele went on to write numerous articles about Hungary and Hungarian constitutional law. “When the new government came to power in 2010 and started changing the constitution, I took it rather personally,” says Scheppele,  “because that had been my academic specialization.”

Budapest Beacon senior correspondent Benjamin Novak interviewed Dr. Scheppele at Princeton University in October 2014.

How much has the Hungarian constitution changed since your visit in the 1990s?

In 1989 the old Soviet constitution was amended to add some checks and balances, particularly the Constitutional Court, which was the primary check on a unicameral parliamentary government.  And then the changes in 2011, when the government unveiled its new constitution, basically brought it back to the constitution that existed before 1989.  They removed the checks on the system that had existed before, which meant going back to a constitution very much like the Soviet constitution.

Why does this matter?  Why is this an issue that you in America have to write about?

I write about it not just as an American but as somebody who came to care very deeply about Hungary, and about democracy, the rule of law and constitutionalism.

Hungary always looked like the precocious child of 1989.  Hungary was way ahead of its neighbors.  Hungary developed a constitutional law that people around the world would teach.  It wasn’t just a Hungarian matter.  And when the government that came to power in 2010 started dismantling that structure it became very important.  You may recall that in the spring of 2013 the government introduced a constitutional amendment that nullified the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court from 1990 right until 2012.  That is the constitutional law that people all over the world are teaching as state of the art, admirable, “ahead of its time” constitutional law.

more: BudapestBeacon

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The Orbán government’s vision of academe: A huge engineering school

Before I embark on the Orbán government’s latest strategy for Hungarian higher education, let me briefly introduce the past and present cast of characters tasked with overseeing universities. The first major change in Hungarian education under the Orbán regime was to nationalize all the public schools that hitherto had been the responsibility of local communities. This task fell to Rózsa Hoffmann (KDNP), whose idea of a good school hearkened back to the second half of the nineteenth century: rote learning, discipline, uniformity. The government created a mammoth organization to administer these schools. It was the new employer of teachers nationwide, who thereby became state employees. Hoffmann was also responsible for higher education, but here she was even more obviously found wanting. Viktor Orbán, I think, would have been happy to relieve Hoffmann of all her duties, but it wasn’t that simple. She was one of the few Christian Democrats in the government. So a compromise was reached. Hoffmann remained undersecretary for pre-university education, and a new position was created for István Klinghammer, former president of ELTE, who took care of higher education.

more: HungarianSpectrum

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Hungarians protest against corruption, want tax chief sacked

(Reuters) – Thousands of Hungarians demonstrated against alleged corruption at the country’s tax authority and for wider democratic freedoms in Budapest on Sunday in the latest protest to rock the country’s politics.

A woman carries a placard with the likeness of Hungary's Prime Minister Viktor Orban as thousands of Hungarians protest against perceived corruption at the country's tax authority and lack of wider democratic freedoms, in Budapest, November 9, 2014. REUTERS-Bernadett Szabo
A woman carries a placard with the likeness of Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban as thousands of Hungarians protest against perceived corruption at the country’s tax authority and lack of wider democratic freedoms, in Budapest, November 9, 2014.

The protests against the populist centre-right government, notably against a planned tax on the Internet, show that despite a big majority in parliament, Prime Minister Viktor Orban faces increasingly vocal opposition from civil society.

Orban has raised eyebrows among Western partners, including the United States and the European Union, for policies that have penalized big businesses, limited democratic freedoms and – his critics say – pulled Hungary closer into the Kremlin’s orbit.
more: Reuters

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Rózsa Milán 1988-2014

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