OPINION ON THE FOURTH AMENDMENT TO THE FUNDAMENTAL LAW

Adopted by the Venice Commission at its 95thPlenary Session
(Venice, 14 – 15 June 2013)

1. By letter of 11 March 2013, the Secretary General of the Council of Europe, Mr Thorbjørn Jagland, requested an opinion of the Venice Commis sion on the compatibility of the Fourth Amendment to the Fundamental Law of Hungary with the Council of Europe Standards.

2. By letter of 13 March 2013 to the Secretary General of the Council of Europe, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Hungary, Mr János Martonyi, requested an opinion of the Venice Commission on the Fourth Amendment, with regard to the international commitments that derive from Hungary’s membership of the Council of Europe.

3. On 12 April 2013, a delegation of the Venice Commission, composed of Mr Wolfgang Hoffmann-Riem, Ms Hanna Suchocka, Mr Kaarlo Tuori and Mr Jan Velaers, accompanied by Mr Thomas Markert and Mr Schnutz Dürr from the Secretariat, visited Budapest. The delegation met with (in chronological order) Mr Róbert Répássy, State Secretary of the Ministry of Public Administration and Justice, Mr László Sólyom former President of Hungary, Mr Tamás Gaudi-Nagy and Mr Csaba Gyüre (Jobbik party), Mr Bence Rétváry, State Secretary of the Ministry of Public Administration and Justice (KDNP) and Mr Imre Vas (Fidesz), Mr Attila Mesterházy fraction leader of the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP), Mr Gergely Bárándy (MSZP), Mr Gábor Galambos (MSZP), Mr Vilmos Szabo (MSZP), Mr Pal Schiffer (Politics can be different), Mr László Varju (Democratic Coaliton), Ms Tímea Szabó (Together 2014) and Mr József Szájer Member of the European Parliament (Fidesz) as well as with the following NGOs: Hungarian Helsinki Committee, Hungarian Civil Liberties Union and the Eötvös Károly Institute.

Venice Comission

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Bálint Magyar: Viktor Orbán’s post-communist mafia state, Part I., II., III.

In the past few years I’ve often written about Bálint Magyar (SZDSZ), one of the few active opposition leaders during the Kádár regime. After the change of regime he became a member of parliament and served twice as minister of education in the MSZP-SZDSZ coalition governments. The Fidesz-Christian Democrats who are now running the Hungarian educational establishment have singled him out as their bête noire, responsible for the “deplorable” state of Hungarian education. Magyar stood for everything Rózsa Hoffmann finds wrong with Hungarian education. He tried to bring Hungarian education closer to western models by liberating it from its nineteenth-century shackles. He also had the “temerity” to focus on the child.

Bálint Magyar / HVG

But here I don’t want to talk about Magyar’s educational philosophy but rather his latest analysis of the Orbán regime. He began writing about the nature of the Orbán government as early as 2001–that is, during the first Orbán government. This first article in a series over the years showed that Bálint Magyar has a very sharp eye. Already then he noticed that Fidesz functioned as “an organized upperworld” as opposed to an underworld. He called it the “Hungarian octopus.”

His latest thoughts on the subject were published just a few days ago in Élet és Irodalom (June 14, 2013) available only to subscribers. The article is actually an interview he gave to Eszter Rádai. Once again the topic is the nature of the Orbán regime, now full-blown. According to Magyar, the present Hungarian regime is “a post-communist mafia state.”

Part II

Part III

Hungarian Spectrum

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Nemzetközi jogvédő szervezetek kérnek vizsgálatot Magyarország ellen

Közös levélben kéri az Amnesty International (AI) és a Human Rights Watch (HRW) az Európa Tanács (ET) parlamenti közgyűlésének tagjait, hogy a keddi vitában támogassák a monitoring bizottság ajánlását, és indítsák meg a Magyarországgal szembeni vizsgálatot – írta közleményében az AI Magyarország hétfőn.

A két szervezet álláspontja szerint a monitoring bizottság elemzése megalapozott, hiteles és egybecseng saját megállapításaikkal, továbbá tükrözi a Velencei Bizottság, az ENSZ emberi jogi főbiztosa, az ENSZ lakhatással, szegénységgel és emberi jogokkal foglalkozó különmegbízottja, az Európai Biztonsági és Együttműködési Szervezet (EBESZ) médiaszabadságért felelős képviselője, valamint az Európai Parlament szakbizottságának aggályait a magyar alkotmányos és törvényi fejleményekkel kapcsolatban.

A jogvédő szervezetek úgy vélik, hogy a magyar kormány szembement a nemzetközi szervezetek ajánlásával és az alapjogok védelmében korábban hozott alkotmánybírósági (Ab) határozatokkal, amikor olyan rendelkezéseket emelt az alaptörvénybe, amelyeket korábban az Ab már alkotmányellenességre hivatkozva megsemmisített.

HVG

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Reise in das rechte Land des Lächelns

Ein informelles Treffen von Burg-Direktor Matthias Hartmann mit dem Kulturminister Ungarns in Budapest wurde von der Regierung Orbán ausgeschlachtet: die Erzählung einer merkwürdigen Reise

M. Hartmann auf Fact-finding-Mission in Budapest. 
foto: apa/jäger M. Hartmann auf Fact-finding-Mission in Budapest.

Wien – Matthias Hartmanns jüngst absolvierte Fahrt nach Budapest lässt sich ganz klassisch als Bildungsreise beschreiben. Zugrunde lag ihr das Unbehagen an der reaktionären Kulturpolitik der ungarischen Fidesz- Regierung unter Viktor Orbán. “Die Besorgnis über diese Entwicklung kam von überall”, sagt Hartmann: “Man kannte die Befürchtungen von Menschen, deren perspektivische Weitsicht einem imponiert.”

Seit geraumer Zeit fügen sich die Steine im Nachbarland zum kulturpolitischen Puzzle. Leitungsposten werden nur noch an strikte Parteigänger der Fidesz-Regierung vergeben. In den Jurys sitzen Orbáns Parteigänger und schanzen einander Pfründe zu. Unter ihrem Präsidenten György Fekete ist die Ungarische Kunstakademie ein strikt nationalkonservatives Institut geworden. Demnächst wird das Budapester Nationaltheater umgefärbt: Mit Attila Vidnyánsky folgt ein Orbán- Vertrauter dem weltbürgerlichen Intendanten Róbert Alföldi nach. Es hagelt Auszeichnungen für bekennende Rassisten und Nationalisten. Freie Theatergruppen wie diejenigen von Kornél Mundruczó und Viktor Bodó erhalten keine Fördergelder mehr.

DerStandard

 

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Eine Welle von Änderungen in Richtung Vergangenheit: Die Europa-Abgeordnete Lunacek über den Ungarn-Bericht

Die außenpolitische Sprecherin der Fraktion der Grünen im Europäischen Parlament, Ulrike Lunacek, spricht im Interview über den Ungarn-Bericht. Darüber stimmte der Innenausschuss des europäischen Parlaments vergangenen Mittwoch ab. Es geht um die Grundrechts-Verschlechterungen seit der Machtübernahme der Fidesz-Partei: die neue Verfassung, das Mediengesetz und eine enge Definition der Familie als Ehe zwischen Mann und Frau mit Kindern. Außerdem kritisiert Frau Lunacek die Kehrtwende der Europäischen Volkspartei (EVP), die nun doch gegen den Ungarn-Bericht gestimmt hat. Dass diese weiterhin geschlossen hinter der Regierung Victor Orbans stehe, findet sie skandalös.

Freie-radios

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Letter on Hungary to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe

To: Members of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, 21 June 2013

RE: Request to open a monitoring procedure in respect of Hungary

Dear Assembly Member,

Ahead of next week’s Assembly debate on the request to open a monitoring procedure in respect of Hungary, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch urge you to support the Monitoring Committee’s recommendation to place Hungary under the Assembly’s monitoring procedure.

The Monitoring Committee’s assessment is well-grounded and authoritative. It is consistent with our own findings (see Human Rights Watch’s May 2013 report, “Wrong Direction on Rights” and Amnesty International’s March 2013 briefing, “Amnesty International’s Concerns about the Fourth Amendment to Hungary’s Fundamental Law”). It is also consistent with numerous other expert bodies and observers who have repeatedly raised the alarm about developments in Hungary and urged the Hungarian authorities to remedy concerns identified. These include, but are not limited to, the Venice Commission, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, the UN Special Rapporteurs on the Right to Adequate Housing and Poverty and Human Rights, the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media, and the European Parliament’s Civil Liberties Committee (LIBE).

Regrettably, the Hungarian government’s response has been to steadfastly reject legitimate concerns as unfounded, based on a misunderstanding, or motivated by political bias. What is more, instead of seeking to address concerns identified, the government proceeded to impose further constitutional changes in March 2013. These changes effectively reversed binding rulings by Hungary’s Constitutional Court that upheld fundamental rights, by introducing into the constitution itself problematic laws the court had previously struck down, and ending the court’s power to review the substance of constitutional amendments.  As the Monitoring Committee’s report notes, “[t]he fact that this fourth amendment knowingly contains a number of provisions that had previously been declared unconstitutional by the Constitutional Court of Hungary and/or flagged as being at variance with European principles and norms by the Venice Commission, is unacceptable and raises questions about the willingness of the current authorities to abide by European standards and norms.”

Hungary’s constitution now permits local authorities to criminalise homeless people, curbs religious freedom, and limits the rights of vulnerable groups, by restricting voting rights for persons with disabilities, and excluding unmarried and same-sex couples from the notion of “family”. Other problematic areas include undue political influence over key public institutions such as the Media Council and the National Judicial Office, a new body responsible for administering the courts and appointing judges.

The legal changes introduced by the Hungarian government are extremely worrying. They undermine the respect for rule of law and protection of human rights in Hungary and violate its commitments and obligations as a member of the Council of Europe.  The Venice Commission describes the measures in terms of “a threat for constitutional justice,” seriously undermin[ing] the possibilities of constitutional review in Hungary and endanger[ing] the constitutional system of checks and balances.” It further highlights “a risk that [the limitation on the role of the constitutional court] may negatively affect all three pillars of the Council of Europe: the separation of powers as an essential tenet of democracy, the protection of human rights and the rule of law.”

But perhaps most disturbing has been the Hungarian authorities’ persistent disregard of concerns and recommendations by key institutions and actors whose sole objective is to assist states in upholding their international human rights obligations.

Hungary’s downward slide on protecting the rule of law and human rights must be stopped, and a strong message sent that deflecting legitimate concerns as factually wrong or politically motivated will not be tolerated. The Assembly has a crucial role to play in this regard, by adding its voice to those speaking out in defence of rule of law and human rights in Hungary and by using the tools available to help ensure the Hungarian government takes the steps needed to bring its laws into line with Council of Europe standards.

Backing the Monitoring Committee’s recommendation to place Hungary under its monitoring procedure is an essential part of these efforts.

We hope we can count on your principled leadership and support on this important matter.

Sincerely,

Dr Nicolas J Beger                                                                         Hugh Williamson
Director European Institutions Office                                      Director Europe and Central Asia Division
Amnesty International

Human Rights Watch

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Artists and Cultural Workers Stage Massive Protests in Serbia

On Saturday, June 22nd 2013, over 800 cultural workers and artists went out to protest in the Square of the Republic in Belgrade, the capital of Serbia, as well as in Novi Sad, Niš and Vršac. Such a protest on a massive scale is almost unprecedented in the country. These protests did not come out of thin air. A lot of accumulated anger and dissatisfaction with many socio-economic and political issues in recent years culminated yesterday.

The most important structural, social and political causes for the protest are: corruption and nepotism in the field of culture and non-transparent redistribution of the resources; poverty of workers in the field of culture; the change of the government from democrats to conservatives on in the Republic of Serbia and the cutting the funds for so called “non-patriotic” art; the fact that freelance artists and cultural workers are not able to renew their health insurance, because social benefits have not been paid since January 2013 by the cultural department of the city of Belgrade (governed by the Democrats).

Artleaks

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