Budapest, the cultural wasteground

He who swaps his homeland, swaps his soul, they say in Hungary. Still, in the last two and a half years, more than half a million Hungarians have left the country and spread throughout the world. That is twice as many as those who left after the Hungarian Uprising was put down in 1956 – a lot of people for a country with just 10m inhabitants.

I too have decided to stop putting up with it. There are plenty of reasons: money, future prospects, above all the feeling of being muzzled in today’s Hungary.

I belong to a generation that after 1990 was young enough to be able to feel something: that the atmosphere of the years of childhood and school had changed. If you have ever experienced the freedom to have an opinion, to express it openly, then it’s not a habit you can give up that easily. Life in Hungary was never rosy, or easy; it is not a country with just 50 years of history.

presseurope

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Trying to Get Through: Hungarians Send Video Messages to Prime Minister

The snow that first blanketed western Europe eventually reached Hungary by March 15, the day of an important national holiday. Heavy snowfall left thousands stranded on the roads of this eastern European country, and the Hungarian government received harsh criticism for not being able to handle the situation (even though before the winter’s coldest period started, it entertained citizens by nominating the director of the National Directorate General for Disaster Management as the government’s “Commissioner of Winter Preparations” [hu]). The events planned for the March 15 national holiday, among them regular celebrations as well as anti- and pro-government rallies, were postponed for a few days.

The anti-government protests were ignited by the adoption of the Fourth Amendment to the Hungarian Constitution, which was passed on March 11 and approved with the President’s signature on March 25 [hu]. Many people in Hungary fear that the activities of the current right-wing government are wresting the country from the democratic environment it first entered after 1989 (re-confirming its position in 2004 with the accession to the European Union).

globalvoicesonline

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Schluss mit schludrig

Aus allen Richtungen hagelt es Kritik am ungarischen Regierungschef, dem anscheinend unbelehrbaren Rechtspopulisten Viktor Orbán: aus Brüssel, aus Straßburg, dem Sitz des Europarates, aus Washington, aus Berlin und neuerdings sogar aus München, wo Orbáns vermeintlich ganz normale christdemokratische Partei Fidesz bisher noch immer Fürsprecher gefunden hatte. Es ist an der Zeit, zu fragen, was sich aus den Konflikten mit Ländern wie Ungarn oder Rumänien lernen lässt. Kommissionspräsident Manuel Barroso und auch Guido Westerwelle haben neue Instrumente gefordert, um Rechtsstaatlichkeit in den Mitgliedsländern zu schützen – detaillierte Antworten aber, wie diese aussehen könnten, sind sie schuldig geblieben. In Zeiten, da die EU ohnehin unpopulär ist, werden Skeptiker fragen, warum die Union ihre schwindende Legitimität nun auch noch aufs Spiel setzen soll, indem sie in den Mitgliedsstaaten verfassungsrechtliches Mikromanagement betreibt.

Zeit.de

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Zensurparagraph 13

Ein Monitoring-Portal für Medien in Ungarn hat sich die Einsprüche des Medienrates hinsichtlich unausgwogener Berichterstattung, verlangt für TV-Sender, vorgenommen und kommt zu dem Schluss, dass der Fidesz-besetzte Medienrat zu einer Zensur-Geschäftstelle der neonazistischen Partei Jobbik mutiert ist. / Öffentliche Aufträge für Nazi-Tv-Firma / 80% Redezeit für Orbán im öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunk / Ringier-Verkauf der Népszabadság gescheitert, Schweizer schießen Kapital nach

Die königlich-ungarische Zensurkommission, vulgo: Medienrat 13 der 16 von Jobbik beim Medienrat eingegangenen Beschwerden, in denen sie sich “unfair behandelt” sah, wurde stattgegeben, insgesamt wurden 27 mit Bußgeld und Unterlassungsanordnung bewehrte Rügen wegen “nicht ausgewogener Berichterstattung” verhängt. Sämtliche nicht von Jobbik oder dem Medienrat selbst eingebrachte Beschwerden wurden hingegen abgelehnt, einschließlich aller Eingaben wegen “Hetze gegen Roma”, die in ungarischen Medien so inflationär ist.

PesterLloyd

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Decisions on ‘balanced’ reporting: the Media Council upholds a majority of far-right Jobbik party’s complaints

According to information posted on its website, the Media Council has considered 27 complaints of unbalanced reporting to date, more than half of which were brought by Hungary’s far-right Jobbik party. The Media Council has upheld 13 of Jobbik’s 16 complaints against broadcasters for not including the party’s perspectives or comments in their coverage of certain events. The Media Council has dismissed all complaints of unbalanced coverage brought by other groups or individuals, including all four complaints brought against broadcasters for alleged anti-Roma coverage, and complaints brought against Hungary’s public broadcaster for airbrushing out the face of a Constitutional Court judge in a newscast.

The “balanced” reporting provision is one of the most controversial features of Hungary’s 2010 media laws. The obligation, which was originally required for all media—including print and online press—was narrowed to broadcasters (both public and private) following negotiations with the European Commission in March 2011. Hungarian lawmakers will revise this provision again in accordance with the most recent round of negotiations with the Council of Europe. However, media expert Gábor Polyák says that the amended version will likely have little impact on its implementation.

mediamonitor.ceu.hu

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Búcsúlevél! Gerendás Péter befejezte

“Nagyon fájnak nekem azok a mondatok amelyeket le fogok írni, de nem dughatom tovább a fejemet a homokba. 15 lemez, számtalan rangos díj után úgy döntöttem, hogy befejezem itthoni tevékenységemet. Ennek számos oka van.

Az egyik ok a hazánkban tapasztalható fasizálódás.

hír24

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Together against Orbán: Hungary’s new opposition

Amid international concern over government reforms that endanger democracy in Hungary, Hodonyi and Trüpel discover a political renaissance in Hungarian civil society. Ahead of elections in Spring 2014, this may well be an antidote to the EU’s “political half-heartedness” on the matter.

At the beginning of the year Prime Minister Victor Orbán predicted that 2013 would be the “Year of Harvest” for Hungary and that everything would be better than in 2012. To reap the fruits of his own policies, as he had already declared in a speech to Hungarian diplomats in August 2012, the path of “unorthodox” measures would be continued and further conflicts even with the EU would not be shied away from.[1] Orbán’s announcement may well impress his followers but to minorities in the country, the opposition and European institutions it must seem like a cynical threat. Although Orbán is still leading in the polls, the right-wing conservative government coalition Fidesz-KNDP has lost a significant share of the votes (41 per cent, down 12 per cent compared with 2010). The two-thirds majority is a thing of the past.

Eurozine

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